Plutarch's Romane Questions With dissertations on Italian cults, myths, taboos, man-worship, aryan marriage, sympathetic magic and the eating of beans — Context and Discussion

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Plutarch, 46-120?, Jevons, F. B. (Frank Byron), 1858-1936 [Editor], Holland, Philemon, 1552-1637 [Translator] Project Gutenberg 2018 Not confirmed
Rome -- Religion -- Early works to 1800; Rome -- Social life and customs -- Early works to 1800 Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 56,966
Reading time 248 min
Text sections 9

The catalog record for Plutarch's Romane Questions With dissertations on Italian cults, myths, taboos, man-worship, aryan marriage, sympathetic magic and the eating of beans — Context and Discussion provides practical reading context through 56,966 words, 4 hr 8 min estimated reading time, and 9 detected text sections.

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This edition pairs Philemon Holland's 1603 translation of Plutarch's inquiries into Roman customs with F.B. Jevons' dissertations on Italian cults, myths, and taboos. The preface contrasts Plutarch's rationalizing approach with modern folkloric methods, while the questions themselves reveal a blend of philosophical speculation and antiquarian curiosity.
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at in China and Babylon (which resemble Rome in other pertinent points) divination played as large and as official a part as at Rome. An oracle is the voice of a god; whereas divination is simply sympathetic magic inverted.[17]

In sect. 1 it has been said that the Italians had no Nature-myths. The reason why they had none should now be clear: the Italians had no Nature-gods. The sky-spirit, Jupiter, was undoubtedly distinguished from the vault of heaven by the primitive Italians, but he was not generically different from the spirits of vegetation, of sowing, of manuring, &c., and he seems to have been even of inferior dignity to the spirit of doorways.[18] The earth, on the other hand, does not seem to have been conceived of as a spirit even, much less as a goddess; but, if worshipped at all, was worshipped as a fetich.[19] Hence, the absence from Italy of any trace of the myth of the origin of all living creatures from a union between the earth and the sky.

Indeed, if by a myth we mean a tale told about gods or heroes, there are no Italian myths.[20] Myths attached to Greek loan-gods were borrowed with the gods from Greece. Myths in which Italian gods figure were borrowed or invented when the Italian gods were identified with Greek gods. Thus the Golden Age myth, for instance, can be referred to the time (A.U.C. 257) when Saturnus was identified with Kronos.[21] And of course, all the myths in which Æneas appears, and the whole mythical connection between Rome and Greece or Troy, are late.[22] Evander,[23] again, who figures in various passages of the _Romane Questions_, owes his existence wholly and solely to the attempt to connect Rome with Greece.

If, on the other hand, under the head of myth we include "the popular explanation of observed facts," then early Roman history, as Ihne says (i. 17), "is really nothing more than a string of tales, in which an attempt is made to explain old names, religious ceremonies and monuments, political institutions and antiquities, and to account for their origin." Some examples of this may be drawn from the _Romane Questions_. Marriage by capture has left traces behind it in the wedding customs of many countries, and the meaning of these survivals is usually wholly forgotten. But the historic consciousness of the Romans was so far alive to the actual facts of the case that the mock capture was explained as the commemoration of an actual historical rape—the Rape of the Sabines. Thus were explained the lifting of the bride over the threshold (_Q. R._ 19), the use of a javelin point to divide the bride's hair (_Ibid._ 87), the hymeneal cry _Talassio_ (_Ibid._ 31), and the fact that maids might not (though widows might) marry on festival days (_Ibid._ 105). The first of these customs is probably a survival from marriage by capture, and the last is indirectly connected with it. In Rome,[24] as in many other places,[25] the lamentations of the bride who was actually captured survived in the formal, extravagant lamentations of the bride who, in quieter times, was more peacefully won; and these cries would have been of bad omen on a day dedicated to the worship of the gods. Lamentation seems not to have been required of widows. The use of an iron javelin point is probably due to the dangers which, in the opinion of primitive man, attend on those about to marry, and require to be averted by the use of iron,[26] from the head[27] especially. The origin of the cry _Talassio_ is beyond recovery.[28]

But though the chief branch of Italian folk-tales consisted of popular explanations of observed facts, we can detect traces of those other folk-tales which from the beginning must have been designed simply and solely to gratify man's inherent desire for tales of adventure and the marvellous. Here it must suffice to point to two of the _Romane Questions_. In the fourth question we have a tale told of successful trickery on the part of Servius Tullius, which may well have formed part of some story of a Master Thief; and in _Romane Questions_ 36, the nightly visits of Fortuna through the window to her lover, Servius Tullius, at once remind us of the "soul-maidens" and "swan-maidens," who visit, and eventually desert, their human lover through the window or the keyhole[29]—the orthodox means of entrance and exit for spirits from the time of Homer at least.

Plutarch's Romane Questions opens with a deceptively simple query: why must a new bride touch fire and water? The answers Plutarch entertains range from high philosophical reasoning—fire and water as principles of generation—to a strikingly humane suggestion: that spouses should share all fortunes, having nothing else in common but these elements. This pattern, where a mundane custom prompts a cascade of learned explanations, defines the work's method. The editor, F.B. Jevons, notes in his preface that Plutarch's answers assume the customs were deliberately instituted by men as cultured as himself, a premise Jevons challenges by pointing to the Stone Age reality of the early Aryans. The result is a text that oscillates between erudite speculation and a kind of inadvertent self-portrait of Plutarch's own generous character.

The Voice of Philemon Holland

Holland's 1603 translation gives Plutarch's questions a distinctive English voice, one that is both archaic and vigorous. His phrasing—'disasterous or dismall daies,' 'carieth no congruitie at all, nor apparence of reason'—preserves the texture of early modern English while conveying Plutarch's logical scrutiny. Holland often expands the original with explanatory clauses, as when he glosses 'the morrow after the Ides' by adding 'which was the same that July now is.' This habit of bridging ancient and contemporary references makes the text feel immediate, even as its language distances the reader. The translator's presence is felt in the rhythm of the sentences, which frequently pile up alternatives introduced by 'Is it because…' or 'Or last of all…,' mimicking the structure of Plutarch's own enumerations.

Plutarch's Method of Multiple Hypotheses

In Question 25, concerning why the days after Calends, Nones, and Ides are considered unlucky, Plutarch first cites a historical explanation: the Roman defeat at the Allia. He then immediately undermines it, noting that the battle occurred on a different day and that the superstition extends beyond a single month. He proceeds to offer an alternative rooted in religious calendar theory—that the first days are sacred to celestial gods, the second to infernal spirits—and finally a numerological argument about odd and even numbers. This layered approach, where each hypothesis is presented and then qualified, is typical of the Romane Questions. Plutarch does not settle on one answer but leaves the reader to weigh the possibilities, a method that Jevons compares to modern folkloric inquiry, though he notes the crucial difference in underlying assumptions.

Jevons' Editorial Framework

F.B. Jevons' preface and dissertations frame Plutarch's work as 'the earliest formal treatise on the subject of folk-lore.' He argues that while Plutarch's questions anticipate modern science, his answers are anachronistic, projecting contemporary philosophy onto primitive minds. Jevons' own dissertations—on topics like 'Aryan Marriage' and 'Sympathetic Magic'—reflect late Victorian anthropology, with its comparative method and evolutionary assumptions. The juxtaposition is instructive: Plutarch explains customs by imagining rational founders; Jevons explains them by reconstructing prehistoric thought. Readers should note that Jevons' contributions are themselves products of their era, and his confidence in reconstructing 'Stone Age' beliefs may now seem as dated as Plutarch's reliance on Greek philosophy.

This edition offers two layers of interpretation: Plutarch's own, filtered through Holland's English, and Jevons' late-Victorian commentary. The reader is encouraged to attend to the gaps between them—where Plutarch sees deliberate design, Jevons sees unconscious survival. The Romane Questions reward a slow reading that savors the play of hypotheses and the texture of early modern prose, while the dissertations provide a contrasting lens that reveals as much about the 1890s as about ancient Rome.

I sometimes set Plutarch’s old questions beside The New Testament of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. The common English version, corrected by the final committee of the American Bible Union. — Text and Context, and think how both ask what people truly meant by their rituals—one through temple bones, the other through troubled new words. A hushed fellowship there, across centuries, sharing a patient ear for old strangeness.

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