Arguments of Celsus, Porphyry, and the Emperor Julian, Against the Christians Also Extracts from Diodorus Siculus, Josephus, and Tacitus, Relating to the Jews — Background and Themes

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Taylor, Thomas, 1758-1835 [Editor], Celsus (Platonic philosopher), active 180, Diodorus, Siculus, Josephus, Flavius, 38?-100?, Julian, Emperor of Rome, 331-363 Project Gutenberg 2011 Not confirmed
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Thomas Taylor's 1830 collection of pagan critiques of Christianity, featuring Celsus, Porphyry, and Emperor Julian, with extracts from Diodorus Siculus, Josephus, and Tacitus on Jewish history, plus an appendix. Taylor's editorial notes focus on clarifying meaning through parallel ancient passages rather than theological refutation.
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Neither did he persuade any one while he lived, not even his own disciples, that he should be punished, and suffer as he did: nor did he exhibit himself [though a God] as one liberated from all evils.

"Certainly you Christians will not say, that Christ, when he found that he could not induce the inhabitants on the surface of the earth to believe in his doctrines, descended to the infernal regions, in order that he might persuade those that dwelt there. But if inventing absurd apologies by which you are ridiculously deceived, what should hinder others also, who have perished miserably, from being ranked among angels of a more divine order?"

* See Iliad, V, ver. S40.

The Jew in Celsus further observes, on comparing Christ with robbers, "Some might in a similar manner unblushingly say of a robber and a homicide, who was punished for his crimes, that he was not a robber but a God; for he predicted to his associates that he should suffer what he did suffer.

"The disciples of Jesus, living with him, hearing his voice, and embracing his doctrines, when they saw that he was punished and put to death, neither died with nor for him, nor could be persuaded to despise punishment; but denied that they were his disciples. Why, therefore, do not you Christians [voluntarily] die with your master?"

The Jew in Celsus also says, that "Jesus made converts of ten sailors, and most abandoned publicans; but did not even persuade all these to embrace his doctrines.

"Is it not also absurd in the extreme, that so many should believe in the doctrines of Christ now he is dead, though he was not able to persuade any one [genuinely] while he was living?

"But the Christians will say, We believe Jesus to be the son of God, because he cured the lame and the blind, and, as you assert, raised the dead.

"O light and truth, which clearly proclaims in its own words, as you write, that other men, and these depraved and enchanters, will come among you, possessing similar miraculous powers! Christ also feigns that a certain being, whom he denominates Satan, will be the source of these nefarious characters: so that Christ himself does not deny that these arts possess nothing divine, and acknowledges that they are the works of depraved men. At the same time likewise, being compelled by truth, he discloses both the arts of others and his own. Is it not, therefore, a miserable thing, to consider, from the performance of the same deeds, this man to be a God, but others to be nothing more than enchanters? For why, employing his testimony, should we rather think those other workers of miracles to be more depraved than himself? Indeed Christ confesses that these arts are not indications of a divine nature, but of certain impostors, and perfectly wicked characters."

After this, the Jew in Celsus says to his fellow-citizens who believed in Jesus, as follows: "Let us grant you that Jesus predicted his resurrection: but how many others have employed such-like prodigies, in order by a fabulous narration to effect what they wished; persuading stupid auditors to believe in these miracles? Zamolxis among the

Scythians, who was a slave of Pythagoras, used this artifice; Pythagoras also himself, in Italy; and in Egypt, Rhampsinitus. For it is related of the latter that he played at dice with Ceres in Hades, and that he brought back with him as a gift from her a golden towel. Similar artifices were likewise employed by Orpheus among the Odryssians; by Protesilaus among the Thessalians; and by Hercules and Theseus in Taenarus. This, however, is to be considered,--whether any one who in reality died, ever rose again in the same body: unless you think that the narrations of others are fables,but that your catastrophe of the drama will be found to be either elegant or probable, respecting what was said by him who expired on the cross, and the earthquake, and the darkness, which then according to you ensued. To which may be added, that he who when living could not help himself, arose, as you say, after he was dead, and exhibited the marks of his punishment, and his hands which had been perforated on the cross. But who was it that saw this? A furious woman, as you acknowledge, or some other of the same magical sect; or one who was under the delusion of dreams, and who voluntarily subjected himself to fallacious phantasms,--a thing which happens to myriads of the human race. Or, which is more probable, those who pretended to see this were such as wished to astonish others by

Thomas Taylor's 1830 collection assembles pagan arguments against Christianity from Celsus, Porphyry, and Emperor Julian, supplemented by extracts on Jewish history from Diodorus Siculus, Josephus, and Tacitus. Taylor, a noted Neoplatonist translator, explicitly states in his introduction that he has not attempted to confute Celsus but has confined himself to illustrating meaning by citing parallel passages in other ancient authors. This editorial stance distinguishes the volume from contemporary apologetic works, offering readers direct access to the rhetorical strategies and philosophical premises of early critics of Christianity.

Taylor's Editorial Voice and Method

Taylor's introduction reveals a distinctive editorial approach. He quotes Warburton's wish for a collection of fragments from Porphyry, Celsus, Hierocles, and Julian with a 'just, critical and theological comment,' but Taylor himself declines the theological role, noting he is 'not a divine.' Instead, his notes aim solely to illustrate meaning through parallel passages. This self-imposed limitation shapes the reader's experience: the volume presents the arguments without systematic Christian rebuttal, leaving the rhetorical force of the pagan critiques largely intact. Taylor's language occasionally betrays his own sympathies, as when he describes Origen's response to Celsus as 'very futile and inefficient,' but he refrains from extended polemic.

Rhetorical Strategies in Julian's Epistle

Julian's epistle to the Alexandrians exemplifies the pagan use of historical and civic pride to undermine Christian claims. He contrasts the city's founder, Alexander of Macedon, with the 'Galilaeans,' and reminds his audience that their ancestors were conquerors of Egypt, not slaves to 'despisers of your national dogmas.' Julian invokes the visible gods—the sun and moon—as universally acknowledged deities, asking why Alexandrians worship a Jesus 'whom neither you nor your fathers have seen' while ignoring the sun, 'a living, animated, intellectual, and beneficent image of the intelligible.' This appeal to empirical observation and ancestral tradition forms a recurring pattern in the collection's arguments.

Pagan Accounts of Jewish Origins

The extracts from Diodorus Siculus and Tacitus present alternative narratives of Jewish history. Diodorus, citing Manetho, describes the Jews as descendants of leprous and scabbed Egyptians who, after being expelled, followed Moses to conquer Judaea. Tacitus's account, though not fully excerpted in the provided text, is listed among the contents. These pagan versions directly challenge the biblical account, and Taylor's inclusion of them alongside the more philosophical critiques of Celsus and Porphyry broadens the volume's scope. The juxtaposition allows readers to compare different modes of anti-Christian argument: historical revisionism, philosophical rationalism, and political invective.

Readers approaching this collection should attend to Taylor's editorial framing and the distinct voices of each critic. The volume rewards attention to the rhetorical strategies—whether Julian's appeal to civic pride, Celsus's philosophical objections, or the historical counter-narratives of Diodorus and Tacitus. Taylor's notes, though sparse, provide valuable cross-references to other ancient sources, making this a useful resource for studying early pagan-Christian polemic in its own terms.

Reading those old pagan arguments—Celsus’s sharp questions, Julian’s disappointment—left me with a strange sense of how much sincere disagreement can hold. It reminded me of hours spent in quiet libraries, and something in that quiet echoes the careful, patient unpacking of Isaiah’s words in The Preacher's Complete Homiletic Commentary on the Books of the Bible, Volume 15 (of 32) The Preacher's Complete Homiletic Commentary on the Book of the Prophet — Background and Themes. Both feel like old friends trying to make sense of something vast.

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