The Katcina altars in Hopi worship — Key Ideas to Explore

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In Category - Theology
Fewkes, Jesse Walter, 1850-1930 Project Gutenberg 2023 Not confirmed
Hopi Indians -- Religion; Hopi mythology Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 11,019
Reading time 48 min
Text sections 4

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This 1927 Smithsonian report by J. Walter Fewkes compares four Hopi Katcina altars, analyzing their symbols, ritual objects, and relationship to sun, rain, and corn fertility. Based on fieldwork and legends, it shows how masked dances and altars reproduce ancestral ceremonies to ensure material blessings.
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Transcriber’s Note Italic text displayed as: _italic_

THE KATCINA ALTARS IN HOPI WORSHIP

J. WALTER FEWKES _Chief, Bureau of American Ethnology_

FROM THE SMITHSONIAN REPORT FOR 1926, PAGES 469-486 (WITH 3 PLATES)

UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON 1927

THE KATCINA ALTARS IN HOPI WORSHIP

By J. WALTER FEWKES, _Chief, Bureau of American Ethnology_

The present article is the fifth of a series published in the annual reports of the Smithsonian Institution on the composition of Hopi worship. The Hopi, the name meaning peaceful, belong to the Pueblo stock and are agricultural Indians. They are descendants of the Arizona cliff dwellers and have preserved to the present many survivals of their ancient worship. The object of the series of five papers above referred to is to record a few of their rites in sun, fire, and ancestor ceremonies that have survived to the present time. The Pueblos performed their secret ceremonies in subterranean rooms called kivas that were entered from the roof.

It is customary for the priest in the course of the ceremonies to erect an altar, so called, on which is placed their _tiponi_, or sacred badge of office, surrounded by various fetishes, idols, and wooden objects bearing symbols. Here are placed all sacred objects possessed by the fraternity of priests who celebrate the rite. There are four Hopi villages or pueblos that perform the rituals independently, the sacred paraphernalia differing in each. From a study of these altars it is possible for us to learn the aim of their various ceremonies. The present paper compares the four Katcina altars for this purpose.

That element of pueblo worship known as the Katcina forms fully one-half of the Hopi ritual, beginning with the arrival of the Katcinas or masked dancers in January or February, and lasting until their departure in July, inclusive. It is distinguished from other components by the presence of masked participants called Katcinas, supposed to be personators of the ancients, or “others.” The yearly departure of these worthies from the villages is celebrated in July by a great religious observance called the Niman or Farewell Katcina ceremony; their arrival by several rites, one of the most striking of which is called Powamu, or “Bean Planting.” At the times of their arrival and departure there are erected in the kiva of each of the four villages which celebrate them, the same altars, about which certain secret rites are performed. Our knowledge thus far is limited to four of the five Katcina altars,[1] and there still remains the altar of Cuñopavi, regarding which nothing has yet been recorded.[2]

Our knowledge of Katcina altars of the Rio Grande in the other pueblos is very scanty, owing largely to the exclusion of ethnologists from the kivas. Katcina dances in the open plazas are repeatedly figured but the secret rites and accompanying altars, if any, are not known.

In the following pages the author presents a morphological study of the four known Katcina altars of Hopi. The illustrations of the most complex, that of Oraibi, have been taken from the excellent memoir of Voth on the Powamu of that pueblo; the others are from personal studies made in 1890-1895.

The structure of the Oraibi Katcina altar is as follows: The reredos consists of two upright wooden slats united above by a crosspiece which in the illustration (pl. 2) is surmounted by a row of four segments of circles with rain cloud pictures representing the four directions, and colored with appropriate pigments, beginning with yellow or north at the right. The decoration of the crosspiece is obscure, but on the uprights there are figures recalling sprouting vegetation, and circles with differently colored quadrants.

Two idols, probably of wood, stand between the vertical slats of the altar, filling nearly the whole space. That on the left evidently represents the Sky God (Cotokinungwu) for it has a conical apex to the head, a painted chin, and near its left hand stands a wooden slat of zigzag form, a prescribed symbol of lightning.[3] This image has several short parallel marks of different colors on the body, and wears horsehair, stained red, about the loins.

The other figurine wears a coronet with triangular-shaped rain cloud symbols, which remind one of the headdress of the Lakonemana, a tutelary goddess of the woman’s society, the Lalakontu, whose ceremonials in September have been described elsewhere.[4]

The two vertical wooden slats, one on each side of the uprights, bear pictures of the same personage, probably Tunwupkatcina, on whose head is a fan-shaped crest of feathers. On each side the head has a horn, at the extremity of which hangs a symbolic feather.

The human figures have characteristic markings on their foreheads, and their bodies are black, dotted with white spots.

J. Walter Fewkes, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, published this 1927 study as the fifth in a series on Hopi worship. The work compares four Katcina altars from different Hopi villages, focusing on their composition and ceremonial role. Fewkes emphasizes that the altars are not permanent fixtures but are erected in kivas for specific rites, holding sacred objects like the tiponi (badge of office), fetishes, and symbolic wooden items. The catalog subjects list Hopi religion and mythology, but the excerpts reveal a narrower focus: the material and ritual mechanics of altar construction and the underlying goal of agricultural fertility.

Altars as Ritual Machines

Fewkes describes each altar as a carefully arranged collection of objects—tiponi, aspergills, planting sticks, corn mounds, and figurines of supernaturals like Cotokinungwu. The altars are not merely decorative; they are functional tools in ceremonies aimed at controlling rain and corn growth. The author notes that the paraphernalia differ among the four villages, yet all serve the same purpose: to reproduce traditional rites exactly as inherited. The priests’ guiding principle, as Fewkes records, is that “our old people did so, and surely they knew how to make the corn grow and the rains fall.” This emphasis on precise replication, rather than innovation, is a key structural feature of the text.

Masks, Totems, and Ancestral Reproduction

The Katcina ceremonies, which occupy half the Hopi ritual year, involve masked dancers who personify ancestors or “others.” Fewkes explains that the masks are zoomorphic or partially anthropomorphic, with symbols of corn, rain, water animals, and lightning. The performers aim to recreate ancestral celebrations, and the masks’ totemic designs derive from legendary participants. The text includes a myth about a Katcina hero who visited a land of flowering plants in winter and brought back melons and songs. This story illustrates how the Hopi believe ritual knowledge—songs, prayers, altar designs—originates from encounters with supernatural beings and must be transmitted without alteration.

Material Goals Over Spiritual Doctrine

Fewkes explicitly states that Hopi religion has a “very weak” association with ethics; the priest’s duty is mechanical performance, not moral teaching. The primary aim is material: to fertilize corn, the national food. The altars and ceremonies are directed at cosmic supernaturals—Sun, Sky, Earth, Fire, Ancestors—but the desired outcome is practical. The author contrasts this with common characterizations of Hopi as “sun worshippers,” showing that the altars’ symbols and figurines refer specifically to rain clouds, lightning, and growth. The text thus reframes the catalog subject “Hopi mythology” as a system of ritual technology rather than a belief system centered on spiritual salvation.

Readers should note that Fewkes’s account is based on early 20th-century ethnographic observation and may reflect the limitations of its era. The excerpts provide detailed descriptions of altar objects and ritual logic but do not cover all five Katcina altars (Cuñopavi’s is missing). The work is best approached as a primary source on material religion, not a comprehensive survey of Hopi belief. Pay attention to how Fewkes uses legends to explain ritual practice, and consider what the altars’ physical components reveal about Hopi priorities.

That grey afternoon, tracing Fewkes’s diagrams of sand altars and rain clouds, I felt the weight of ritual performed for sustenance—sun, corn, continuity. The quiet urgency of those prayers lingered. Later, idly, I opened The Religious Situation — Themes and Context, and the same question surfaced, differently voiced: how belief shapes itself around need.

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