The Religious Life of the Zuñi Child — Context and Discussion
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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
THE RELIGIOUS LIFE OF THE ZUÑI CHILD.
MRS. TILLY E. STEVENSON.
Brief account of Zuñi mythology................. 539
Birth customs................................... 545
Involuntary initiation into the Kōk-kō.......... 547
Voluntary initiation into the Kōk-kō............ 553
XX. Zuñi masks and Kō-yē-mē-shi.............. 545
XXI. Group of Sä-lä-mō-bī-ya masks............ 548
XXII. Zuñi sand altar in Kiva of the North..... 550
XXIII. ōh-hē-i-que, Kiva of the East............ 552
THE RELIGIOUS LIFE OF THE ZUÑI CHILD.
BY MRS. TILLY E. STEVENSON.
BRIEF ACCOUNT OF ZUÑI MYTHOLOGY.
The Pueblo of Zuñi is situated in Western New Mexico on the Rio Zuñi, a tributary of the Little Colorado River. The Zuñi have resided in this region for several centuries. The peculiar geologic and geographic character of the country surrounding them, as well as its aridity, furnishes ample sources from which a barbarous people would derive legendary and mythologic history. A brief reference to these features is necessary to understand more fully the religious phases of Zuñi child life.
Three miles east of the Pueblo of Zuñi is a conspicuously beautiful mesa, of red and white sandstone, tō-wā-yäl län-ne (corn mountain). Upon this mesa are the remains of the old village of Zuñi. The Zuñi lived during a long period on this mesa, and it was here that Coronado found them in the sixteenth century. Tradition tells that they were driven by a great flood from the site they now occupy, which is in the valley below the mesa, and that they resorted to the mesa for protection from the rising waters. The waters rose to the very summit of the mesa, and to appease the aggressive element a human sacrifice was necessary. A youth and a maiden, son and daughter of two priests, were thrown into this ocean. Two great pinnacles, which have been carved from the main mesa by weathering influences, are looked upon by the Zuñi as the actual youth and maiden converted into stone, and are appealed to as "father" and "mother." Many of the Zuñi legends and superstitions are associated with this mesa, while over its summit are spread the extensive ruins of the long ago deserted village. There are in many localities, around its precipitous sides and walls, shrines and groups of sacred objects which are constantly resorted to by different orders of the tribe. Some of the most interesting of these are the most inaccessible. When easy of approach they are in such secluded spots that a stranger might pass without dreaming of the treasures within his reach. On the western side of this mesa are several especially interesting shrines. About half way up the acclivity on the west side an overhanging rock forms the base of one of the pinnacles referred to. This rock is literally honeycombed with holes, from one-half to three-fourths of an inch in diameter. I visited the spot in the fall of 1884, with Professors E.B. Tylor and H.N. Moseley, of Oxford, England, and Mr. G.K. Gilbert, of the United States Geological Survey. These gentlemen could not determine whether the tiny excavations were originally made by human hands or by some other agency. The Indian's only answer when questioned was, "They be long to the old; they were made by the gods." Hundreds of these holes contain bits of cotton and wool from garments. In the side of this rock there are larger spaces, in which miniature vases, filled with sand, are placed. The sand is ground by rubbing stones from the same rock. The vases of sand, and also the fragments of wool and cotton, are offerings at the feet of the "mother" rock. Here, too, can be seen a quantity of firewood heaped as shown in the right-hand corner of the illustration. Each man and woman deposited a piece, that he or she might always have plenty of wood for heat and light. Some three hundred feet above is another shrine, directly attached to the "father" rock, and to the white man difficult of access. Here I found many offerings of plume sticks (Tē līk-tkī-nā-we).
Matilda Coxe Stevenson's 1904 monograph, published by the Bureau of Ethnology, documents the religious practices surrounding Zuñi children through direct observation. The work opens with a geological and mythological description of Corn Mountain (tō-wā-yäl län-ne), a mesa three miles east of the pueblo, where a flood myth explains two stone pinnacles as a sacrificed youth and maiden. Stevenson notes that shrines on the mesa are deliberately placed in inaccessible or secluded spots, so that 'a stranger might pass without dreaming of the treasures within his reach.' This attention to physical setting and hidden sacred geography frames the detailed ceremonial accounts that follow.
Mythology and Landscape
The monograph begins with a brief account of Zuñi mythology, grounding religious life in the region's 'peculiar geologic and geographic character.' Stevenson describes how the mesa's red and white sandstone, aridity, and flood traditions provide 'ample sources from which a barbarous people would derive legendary and mythologic history.' She recounts the tradition that a great flood drove the Zuñi from their valley site to the mesa, and that to appease the waters, a youth and maiden—children of two priests—were thrown into the ocean. Two pinnacles carved by weathering are now regarded as the transformed pair and addressed as 'father' and 'mother.' This origin story is tied to specific locations: shrines and sacred objects are placed along the mesa's precipitous sides, often in spots that are 'most inaccessible' or hidden in plain sight. Stevenson's account emphasizes that the landscape itself is a repository of religious meaning, with every feature linked to legend and ritual practice.
Initiation into the Kōk-kō
The core of the text describes the involuntary and voluntary initiation of children into the Kōk-kō, a masked spirit society. Stevenson details the ceremonial use of color-coded kivas: yellow for the North, blue for the West, red for the South, white for the East, 'all color' for the Heavens, and black for the Earth. During the initiation, the Kō-yē-mē-shi (masked figures) visit children's homes, calling for food and giving each novitiate his name—previously the boy was designated only as 'baby boy, younger boy, older boy, &c.' The food, including native beans of matching colors, is distributed to the respective kivas. The Kōk-kō then paint their bodies in corresponding colors and perform whipping rituals: any man or youth desiring a rich harvest appeals to a Sä-lä-mō-bī-ya (a type of masked figure) and receives a 'severe blow' with a bunch of Spanish bayonet containing grains of corn. Stevenson notes that the Kō-yē-mē-shi's 'curious performances' evoke 'the primitive drama,' highlighting the theatrical nature of the rites.
Ritual Objects and Spatial Order
Stevenson pays close attention to material culture and spatial arrangement. The sand altar in the Kiva of the North, illustrated in Plate XXII, is described as circular, about twelve feet in diameter, with a base of yellowish sand overlaid with white sand, and a central bowl of medicine water. The altar represents all the Sä-lä-mō-bī-ya and their brothers, encircled by the Kō-lō-oo-wĭt-si (a symbolic figure). Plume sticks are planted at the cardinal points and at the zenith and nadir, with sticks for the latter placed to the west 'on the road to the spirit lake.' The priest of the Sun marks the sacred plaza with a line of sacred meal from the southeast entrance across the south side, along the western side to the Kiva of the North, and up the ladderway. These precise directional and color correspondences—linking kivas, body paint, beans, and plume sticks—demonstrate a highly structured cosmology that Stevenson documents without imposing interpretation, letting the details speak for themselves.
Stevenson's account is valuable for its ethnographic specificity: she records the exact colors, directions, and actions of Zuñi child initiation without generalizing beyond her observations. Readers should note that the excerpts cover only the first part of the monograph; the full text includes sections on birth customs and voluntary initiation that may provide further context. The work is a primary source for understanding late 19th-century Zuñi religious practice as seen through the lens of a trained ethnologist.
Reading about the Zuñi children’s quiet absorption into their kivas, I felt a strange echo of my own patient hours with old Anglican texts. Both worlds ask for surrender—not loud, but steady. The masked ceremonies and the measured apologies each carry a weight of inherited form. That led me back to The Apology of the Church of England — Reading Notes, where the same gentle gravity lingers, like dust on a windowsill.
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