Religion and ceremonies of the Lenape — Background and Themes
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here. The vision was the point of contact, the channel of communication, in Lenape belief, between the great and marvelous supernatural world and the sphere of everyday human life. In a vision the youth first found his guardian spirit, to whom he would always appeal, as his own special friend in the supernatural hierarchy, for aid and comfort in time of trouble, and for the revelation of coming events. He felt that this being took a close personal interest in his affairs, while the greater gods, including the Great Spirit himself, were so remote and so occupied with controlling more important things that they might not notice or concern themselves with the affairs of one individual man. Therefore the bulk of his prayers and offerings went to his guardian spirit. If a Lenape won great success on a war expedition or a hunting trip, he was sure the spirit had helped him; if unlucky, he believed that for some reason his guardian had become estranged, or had been overpowered by superior and malevolent forces. A man might become a sorcerer or a shaman at the behest of his guardian spirit, given in a dream or vision, or change his mode of life in other ways. Not every Lenape was blessed with such a guardian; yet many were so favored, usually in their boyhood days. To be eligible for supernatural favor, the youth had to be _piʹlsŭⁿ_, or pure, which means that not only must he be chaste, but that he must have kept strictly all the taboos against eating food prepared by women in their periodic condition, etc. Old Lenape say that, as the children of the tribe are reared nowadays in the same way as the whites, they can no longer be _piʹlsŭⁿ_, and the Powers will speak to them no more. This is a sad matter, for it means the loss of their principal ancient ceremonies, at which only those blessed with a vision can take active part. The old people feel it keenly that there will be no one left to conduct the rites when the last of their generation has been laid away.
Parents were especially anxious, of course, that their sons should have supernatural aid, hence, when a boy reached the age of about twelve years, they would frequently pretend to abuse him, and would drive him, fasting, out into the forest to shift as best he might, in the hope that some _manĭʹto_ would take pity on the suffering child and grant him some power or blessing that would be his dependence through life.
Sometimes a man who had several sons would take them out into the forest and build them a rude little tent, and here they would remain for days at a time. During the day the boys were not permitted to eat, but just before sunrise every morning each was given a medicine to make him vomit, after which a tiny piece of meat was given him, about the size of a man’s little finger. Occasionally the boys became able to fast in this way for twelve days, at the end of which time, the Lenape say, some had received such power that they were able to rise into the air, or go down into the ground, or prophesy events a year or two ahead, with the magic aid of the supernatural being that had taken pity on them.
It sometimes happened also that people received visions of power in natural sleep without fasting, or even when wide awake, while feeling melancholy and heartsick over the death of a loved one, or suffering other misfortune or trouble. As they sat brooding, some _manĭʹto_ might address himself to them, and give them advice and comfort, or endow them with some kind of power. Women occasionally had visions of this kind.
Whatever the precise circumstances of its appearance, the guardian spirit in many instances was said to show itself first in human form, and it was only when it turned to leave that its real shape (of an animal, for instance) was noticed by the recipient of its blessing. Sometimes the interview was quite long and the directions given by the _manĭʹto_ (for ceremonies, etc.) quite explicit; on other occasions they were very vague and cryptic. Frequently, according to the stories told, some tangible object, called by the Unami the _opiʹna_, or blessing, was handed by the _manĭʹto_ to the recipient of his favor, who usually swallowed it. Some recipients were called on, however, to make and keep some symbol of their protector, which was usually worn on the person in the form of a charm.
Harrington’s study opens with a detailed pantheon that includes a Supreme Being, an Evil Spirit, and a host of lesser manĭʹtowŭk, but the figure that dominates the later chapters is Mĭsinghâliʹkŭn, or Living Solid Face. The mask being is not merely a ritual object; the Unami myth recorded from Chief Charley Elkhair describes how three neglected boys encountered him in the woods, received strength, and later recognized him riding a buck among deer. This origin story ties the mask directly to the Big House ceremony, which the Lenape abandoned for ten years until a twelve-month earthquake compelled them to restore it.
A Pantheon with Local Genii and Plant Spirits
The first two chapters catalogue a hierarchy of spiritual beings, from the distant Supreme Being to the more immediate manĭʹtowŭk of the four directions, the sun, moon, earth, thunder beings, and keepers of the heavens. Harrington also includes minor deities such as the Doll Being, Tornado, Snow Boy, and Comet, as well as animal and plant spirits and local genii. The listing is systematic, drawing on both Unami and Minsi traditions, and the author frequently notes variations in belief between the two divisions of the Lenape. The inclusion of plant spirits and local genii suggests a landscape densely populated with powers that required careful attention.
The Big House and the Mask’s Origin
Chapter VII presents the Unami myth of the mask’s origin, as told by Chief Charley Elkhair. Three mistreated boys meet Mĭsinghâliʹkŭn, who takes one boy to his rocky mountain country and promises him strength. Later, after the Lenape abandon the Big House worship for ten years, a twelve-month earthquake drives them to rebuild. During a ceremony, the mask being is heard making the sound “Hoⁿ-hoⁿ-hoⁿ” east of the Big House, and the three men who had seen him before go out to learn his wishes. The myth explains why the Big House posts now bear carved faces of Mĭsiʹngʷ‛. Harrington juxtaposes this with the Minsi version, which differs in details, and includes historical accounts by Adams and others.
Ceremonial Structure and the Recital of Visions
The annual ceremony, described in Chapter V, is a multi-day event led by a chief and officers, involving a chief’s speech, recital of visions, prayers for hunters, and the use of carved drumsticks and turtle rattles. The ceremony includes a Women’s Night and a final payment of attendants with wampum. Harrington provides a detailed schedule: the ceremony commences with a speech, then participants recount their visions (dreams of power), which are central to the ritual. The hunters depart and return, new fire is kindled, and phratry prayers are offered. The author also includes Indian comments on the ceremony and early accounts by Penn, Brainerd, Zeisberger, and Adams, allowing comparison of the rite over time.
Harrington’s work is valuable for its combination of firsthand fieldwork—he spoke with Lenape ceremonial leaders like Chief Charley Elkhair—and historical sources from the 18th and 19th centuries. Readers should note that the text is a product of its time, using terms like “aborigines” and reflecting early 20th-century ethnographic conventions. The detailed descriptions of ritual procedure and the inclusion of native exegesis make it a resource for understanding Lenape religion as it was practiced in Oklahoma in the early 1900s.
There’s something tender in how the Lenape kept the Mĭsinghâliʹkŭn mask close, a guardian woven into daily ceremony. It reminds me of another quiet book, The Religious Life of the Zuñi Child — Context and Discussion, where childhood itself becomes sacred ground. Both linger, somehow, long after the page is turned.
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